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By Babak Dehghanpisheh
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In its address to the nation following the announcement that President Hosni Mubarak was stepping down, Egypt's military cautiously expressed admiration for the many "martyrs" who died in the weeks of protest. But having the military step in to take control is only meant to be a temporary measure.
Here's a look at the men who will be running the country in the wake of President Hosni Mubarak's resignation.
Suleiman, 74, the country's top spymaster, was promoted to vice president soon after the crisis began and was delegated even more executive power shortly before Mubarak left Cairo. Suleiman, who forged a tight bond with Mubarak through years of military service, has been described by the U.S. ambassador as "a pragmatist with an extremely sharp analytical mind." He's also worked with top Israeli officials to coordinate on mutual threats from Iran, Hizbullah, and Hamas. Now Suleiman's close ties to Mubarak may lead to his own downfall. He announced Mubarak's resignation last week to jubilant crowds in Cairo; his own may not be far behind.
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Ordinary Egyptians have long lived in fear of the State Security Investigative Service (SSIS), headed by Abdel Rahman, and their sentiments aren't misplaced: human-rights groups have repeatedly documented the SSIS's abuse and torture of detainees. And since the unrest kicked off late last month, State Security has been at the forefront of the brutal crackdown. Now that Mubarak's out, Abdel Rahman must quickly prove to Egyptians that State Security is changing its nasty methods—or he may face a reckoning of his own.
A diehard military man, Tantawi, 75, has served for 55 years, nearly 20 years of that as minister of defense. He reached out to protesters early, visiting Tahrir Square two weeks ago. But there shouldn't be any doubts about where Tantawi's loyalties lie: Mubarak handpicked him for his current job, and in a cable released by WikiLeaks, the U.S. ambassador noted that a disgruntled class of midlevel officers call Tantawi "Mubarak's poodle." Now, as head of the Armed Forces Supreme Council, Tantawi is the de facto ruler of the country. It remains to be seen whether Mubarak can still manipulate him from afar.
The 69-year-old minister of civil aviation—who served under Mubarak as a fighter pilot during the '73 war with Israel—is credited with revamping Egypt's decrepit airports. He's also close to Mubarak "on the level of family," says a retired general. To insiders, it came as no surprise when the president tapped Shafik to become prime minister two weeks ago. Shafik is also reportedly involved in a number of questionable business deals with Mubarak's sons, Gamal and Alaa, as well as kickback schemes that have enriched the former president. "He may be efficient, but he's also corrupt," says one expert. As with Suleiman, Shafik's close ties to Mubarak may yet lead to his ouster.
On Jan. 28, after protesters fought off pro-Mubarak thugs and riot police in Cairo, Army vehicles began positioning themselves around strategic locations. Military analysts inside and outside Egypt say these units were not regular Army but the Republican Guard—the single largest unit in the military, some 20,000 strong, and under the direction of Diab. The Guard is the most vital military unit, experts say. Now that the military has managed Mubarak's ouster without getting drawn into the violence, Diab may get kudos for his performance, despite close ties to the regime.
Army Chief of Staff Enan, 63, is clearly trusted by the American top brass: when protests first broke out in Cairo, Adm. Mike Mullen, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, called Enan twice to discuss the unrest and help manage the crisis. The close ties have fueled speculation that the U.S. military may be favoring Enan, who is also well regarded among his Egyptian military peers, in any post-Mubarak scenario. Last Thursday, Enan showed up in Tahrir Square and told protesters that their demands would soon be met. The next day, Mubarak resigned. Enan is clearly the top military man to watch.
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