So Much for a Warm Welcome

A few hours before McCain's speech, Romney shocked the crowd by saying he was bowing out of the GOP race. In the end, Romney hit on the one reason he knew would appeal: he could not leave the nation to suffer the calamity that a Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama presidency would mean to the War on Terror. At least McCain, the arch-hawk on Iraq, would not allow that to happen. "They would retreat, declare defeat, and the consequences of that would be devastating," Romney told the CPAC gathering as his anguished supporters shouted, "No! no!" "In this time of war, I simply cannot let my campaign be a part of aiding a surrender to terror." To soften up the enemy's defenses, McCain sent in a coterie of conservative allies, like Coburn and former senator George Allen, to make his case. At Friday's CPAC meeting, McCain got what may be the biggest boost of all: an implicit endorsement by President Bush, who, without mentioning McCain by name, told the CPAC faithful: "We have had good debates, and soon we will have a nominee who will carry the conservative banner into this election and beyond."

McCain has been directly involved in getting the endorsements of Allen—who had been supporting Thompson before he dropped out—and Ken Mehlman, the former Republican National Committee head who managed Bush's 2004 re-election campaign. Mehlman, who was previously uncommitted, announced his endorsement of McCain late Thursday. McCain had spoken to both men by phone in recent weeks, hoping to line up their support. A senior McCain aide, who also didn't want to be named discussing internal strategy, tells NEWSWEEK that campaign emissaries also talked to former Senate majority leader Bill Frist, who had been supporting Thompson, and former senator Bob Dole, who has so far declined to endorse anyone in the race, citing his wife's Senate re-election bid in North Carolina. Dole has, however, defended McCain against attacks from Limbaugh.

McCain has also been doing major outreach on judges, reassuring conservatives that he'll deliver what for many of them is a key benefit of a Republican presidency. "I strongly supported John Roberts and Samuel Alito for the Supreme Court," he said in a statement to the Federalist Society. "I would seek men and women like them as my judicial appointees." In the conservative movement, says one GOP strategist who declined to be named while talking about private discussions, McCain's statement is being received as a "read my lips, no more Souters" pledge—a reference to Supreme Court Justice David Souter, who was thought to be a staunch conservative, but revealed more liberal views on the bench.

Even Coulter, whom many conservative politicos privately deride as an attention seeker, says she has been contacted by emissaries she won't identify. "Yes, I won't reveal private communications, but they were friendly on both sides," she says. "Behind the scenes, McCain's people are demanding that TV and radio banish me, so I guess I'm at least as likely to be audited by a McCain administration as a Clinton administration."

One of McCain's secret weapons appears to be Charlie Black, who is widely respected among Washington conservatives. Black had hoped to sit out this contest, but got involved when McCain appealed to him last year to help his troubled campaign. Since then, Black, along with other top McCain staffers, has labored free of charge. He's a regular at Norquist's weekly meetings and was once a board member of the American Conservative Union. Aides say he, along with Gramm, has been coordinating the outreach effort. While no promises have been made, some in McCain's camp have also been suggesting that the candidate's veep choice will go a long way toward assuaging the right, as will Black's likely role as the White House's "new Karl Rove." "Look, we know these people very well," Black tells NEWSWEEK. "A lot of us grew up in the conservative movement. We have a lot of conversations going on with different people."

But just as with his boss, there are times when Black doesn't sound entirely conciliatory. He believes that Limbaugh (whom he says he has known for 20 years) and others won't sit out the election, in spite of their threats. "It doesn't have to be unanimous until [the primary is] over," Black says. "When they understand … there's nothing else [they] can do, it's McCain versus Clinton or Obama, the huge difference will cause them to support McCain."