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The King Versus The Radicals
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Aramco's lax social atmosphere has allowed it to attract the best talent from around the world; 15 percent of its workers are foreign, mostly at the upper echelons, with tens of thousands more foreign contractors. Perhaps more important, the company's independence has also kept it free from the corruption, nepotism, red tape and inwardness that have hindered development in the rest of the country. At Aramco, women work alongside men and hold senior positions in key divisions like petroleum engineering; 1,000 Saudi women number among its ranks. Aramco also maintains Western standards of professionalism and meritocracy—in marked distinction from most Saudi government offices and private businesses.
Western encroachment into Saudi society is generally resisted: the Internet is censored, satellite dishes are banned and even tourist visas for Westerners are forbidden. But the Wahhabi clergy—and, more important, the Saudi people—have been willing to overlook Aramco's brazen behavior until now because they recognize the company's centrality to Saudi Arabia's existence; providing nearly 75 percent of government revenues, the company singlehandedly keeps the country afloat. "The Saudis have always understood that this is the goose laying golden eggs and they can't mess with it too much," says Gregory Gause, a Middle East specialist at the University of Vermont.
Aramco's executives recognize that this is a fragile bargain, and step carefully. The unspoken understanding is that, in exchange for its unprecedented independence, Aramco keeps its activities limited to the remote Eastern Province and within its compound walls. Any work outside the region has been strictly limited to necessary oil-producing projects, such as refining and shipping. Aramco has also refrained from Western-style proselytizing. Above all, it's tried to maintain a low profile.
Until now. Ever since King Abdullah came to the throne three years ago, his government has been slowly implementing progressive reforms to counteract the extreme Wahhabi doctrine that many blame for fostering terrorism at home and abroad and for squelching innovation. Abdullah also knows he must modernize the country's moribund economy. Almost 75 percent of Saudi citizens are under the age of 30, and a third of these young people are unemployed—a dangerous source of social unrest, dissent and potential terrorism.
To tackle these threats, the king has begun gradually challenging the old grand bargain of Saudi politics, which granted the Wahhabis a free hand in exchange for the clerics' support for the House of Saud's legitimacy. Many of Abdullah's changes are already apparent, from increased criticism of the religious police in the state-controlled press to drastic reform of the Kingdom's legal system, emphasizing the independence of judges. The most visible sign is the king's annual National Dialogue, a public forum held since 2003 to which he invites a wide variety of Saudi intellectuals—including dissidents and even people previously imprisoned for their palace criticism. The religious establishment is pointedly excluded.
Abdullah may be moving too slowly for Western human-rights advocates, but he knows that pushing too hard could create a backlash—for the Wahhabis still have significant support within the royal family and among the population. The king's solution has been a strategy of circumvention, using outside forces to drive his progressive vision. "Abdullah realizes he can't make swift changes," Gause says, "so he uses a strategy of working around established institutions."









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