http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iivL4c_3pck
2001 Chicago Public Citizen Radio Interview criticizing the Warren Court as not radical enough for not pursuing redistribution of wealth.
Says that community organizing is for the purpose of assembling the political power to force redistribution of wealth.
The Money Man
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But as the panic seems to be receding, the nation is heading into what Bernanke acknowledges will be a somewhat drawn-out recession. He doesn't know how long the downturn is going to last (most economists are pretty much writing off 2009). But privately he is certain that at least he has avoided the worst: a major depression, according to a highly placed source familiar with his thinking. "We've avoided … those critical errors that accounted for the 1930s," Bernanke declared last Wednesday to the Economic Club of New York.
In line with his mild-mannered persona, Bernanke has been careful to move to the back of the stage. Paulson has been the more visible member of the Treasury-Fed dynamic duo, taking the lead in pushing for congressional passage of the $700 billion rescue package. Bernanke knows that his main job in the rescue was to quickly loan out money. Treasury's purview was to persuade Congress to approve the bailout and appoint people to implement it.
Behind the scenes, Bernanke has played a more powerful role. He has prodded Paulson and an ideologically squeamish White House to go along with him at critical junctures. After he injected $85 billion into AIG insurance on Sept. 16, Bernanke invited Paulson into his sparsely decorated office a block from the State Department and convinced him they needed a more systematic solution. Paulson had to go to Congress to get legislative approval for a huge fiscal bailout, Bernanke told the Treasury secretary, according to two sources familiar with the conversation who would describe it only on condition of anonymity. Paulson agreed.
Even then, however, the two differed on the focus of the $700 billion plan. Bernanke all along wanted a direct capital injection into the banks—the financial equivalent of an adrenaline shot to a stopped heart—as the best way to open up the frozen credit markets. But that would mean partial nationalization—anathema to the free-marketers in the White House and Congress. Paulson held out for an alternative scheme to buy up distressed mortgage securities from the banks. But no one could figure out how to price the securities in a way that wouldn't either sink the banks or rob the taxpayers. After the markets tanked yet again (and Britain injected its own banks with capital, starting the trend), Paulson finally endorsed the Bernanke approach on Oct. 13. Yet even on the day he announced the plan, the Treasury chief continued to proclaim his reluctance to directly buy stakes in the banks. (Asked about Bernanke, Paulson told NEWSWEEK he was "fortunate" to be working with him. He's "willing to make tough decisions," he said.)
Last week, in response to the new approach, the high interest rates in credit markets did begin to ease slightly. Now it's a question of waiting for banks to start lending again, although Bernanke believes the financial system may need another slug of federal money. "The amount of mortgage credit outstanding, if you include both residential and commercial, is on the order of $14 trillion. So $700 billion is only 5 percent of that," he noted. The most the current fund can do is "create some liquidity"—while everyone hopes for house prices to bottom out soon. "He's attacking this as a gigantic plumbing problem," says Gertler. "It's not ideological. It's not political."
Bernanke does seem temperamentally suited to the task. By all accounts, he never seems to lose his cool—unlike his comrade in ARMs Paulson. "Even as a teenager he seemed to have a calming influence on all those around him," says his hometown friend Braddy. Bernanke also prefers to manage consensus from the sidelines. That distinguishes him from his predecessor Alan Greenspan, who in 18 years turned his chairmanship into a czardom










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