???Nowforsomethingotherthanthetruth??? exemplifies the measures employed by the McCain campaign starting with the anonymous smear emails that began when McC hired the Bush propaganda machine.
This deception campaign tries to benefit from party loyalties. It preys upon hate, prejudice and fear, and on the ???unanswered questions??? fabricated by the anonymous emails this campaign perpetrated. Links to debunks of many of those fabrications are in an earlier posting.
This is by far the greatest extreme ever in American politics. It is a fundamental threat to our political process. It would further entrench the Bush operatives who took over the McC campaign, and the republican lobbyists who represent only the megarich who looted our economy.
McC was a maverick. He promised to root out the lobbyists he said are what???s wrong with Washington. He said he would not take the low road employed by the Bush machine when it smeared him. He sold out when he got behind and subscribed to the ideology that the end justifies the means.
McC would continue the Bush tax give away to the rich that McC previously opposed and called ???irresponsible??? because ???it only benefits the rich.???
McC now wants to give more billions in tax give aways to oil companies that have just reported the largest profits in history for two consecutive quarters, while he claims that lowering taxes for everyone under $250k in after-deduction income will somehow keep businessmen from starting businesses.
???Nowfor??? has employed many of the themes in the anonymous viral emails. He recently said it was ???revealed that Obama has PLO buddies??? referring to Rashid Khalidi to whom McC donated $440k:
http://richmonddemocrat.blogspot.com/2008/10/mccain-funded-rashid-khalidi.html Guilt by association.
"Nowfor" continues repasting that the cause of our problem is a law decades old that encourages loans to qualified low income people.
Alan Greenspan said the cause is that an entire financial system was built outside of regulation; "we trusted" these self-interested looters ???to regulate themselves???. Credit Default Swaps resulted. They increased from $106 trillion in '02 to $531 trillion under R stewardship.
The legitimate news has reported that Fannie and Freddie paid many millions to McC's campaign manager, Rick Davis, who received up to $35K/mo. from Fannie and Freddie from 2000 to while he has been McC's campaign manager.
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/22/us/politics/22mccain.html and http://www.newsweek.com/id/164732/page/1
Trillions were looted from our economy because the Rs allowed it. The Rs, including McC's campaign manager, are in the pockets of big money.
Without solutions, it is necessary to campaign with deception, misdirection, fear, smears, hypocrisy.
Attempts to hijack our political process with deceit and abuse of the trust of party loyalties are reasons I'm voting for Obama after 40 years of never voted for a Dem.
A 40
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It’s Not Easy Bein’ Blue
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The two Arthur Schlesingers, father and son, believed American history was cyclical, with periods, as they saw it, of liberal action followed by conservative reaction. There is much to commend this construct, though history and politics, like so much else in life, do not lend themselves to easy categorization. Liberal ideas flower in conservative eras and vice versa, just as liberals sometimes enact conservative dogma and conservatives embrace liberal shibboleths. Eisenhower chose not to roll back the Roosevelt-Truman expansion of the state, essentially codifying the New Deal; Nixon was crucial in the rise of affirmative action.
So the lines are blurry, the terms squishy—and there are plenty of skeptics about the conservative-America thesis. Rick Perlstein, who published the excellent "Nixonland" earlier this year, makes an interesting argument. "As far as public opinion goes, the American public is generally not center-right," he says, pointing to data like those in the Pew poll. "The younger generation is more progressive than the last one. What we do have is a center-right political system." In Perlstein's view, the system is set up to make it difficult for voters to achieve a government as liberal as their beliefs. Because of the veto, the filibuster and powerful interests, he says, a supermajority is needed to reform government. America's Founders "wrote a Constitution designed to make change a slow and deliberative process."
Yes, they did, and it has served us rather well over time—not perfectly, God knows, but it has enabled us to muddle along for well over two centuries, always expanding, not contracting, individual liberty under law. Perlstein's well-considered view is widely shared on the left. Asked why it is that more Americans identify themselves as conservative rather than liberal, he replies: "There's been a concerted 30-year propaganda campaign to make the word 'liberal' synonymous with all that's distasteful and alarming. Frankly, I don't care if people call themselves a liberal, a conservative or a ham sandwich if they support progressive positions, which they do."
What is also true but less noticed of late is that people of good will can, looking at the same facts, come to different conclusions. In the half hour after the final presidential debate, Brian Williams of NBC News interviewed Hillary Clinton on his broadcast. Citing fears of one-party control in Washington, Williams asked Clinton what the Democrats "will do with power, with majorities [in Congress] and the White House."
"Well, the last time we had a Democratic Congress and a Democratic president was in 1993," Clinton replied. "And what the Democrats did then is what we're going to have to do again."
With respect, Senator Clinton is recalling those days rather more rosily than many others do. The first two years of the Clinton administration gave way to the Gingrich-led Republican landslide of 1994 (one of the GOP victories that night: George W. Bush's win over Ann Richards in Texas). Bill Clinton brought in his old pollster Dick Morris, moved rightward and recovered his old Democratic Leadership Council bearings.
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