It is wrong,
absolutely wrong to say that,
pakistan is doing little not enough,
the reality is that Pakistan is doing more than before,
vide the ground millitary oprations in the pointed area,
we are serving ,sacrificing,
but delivering mere statement made it useless,
Vide the record of U.S.A. forces,
in regard to rooting out the insurgency,
within seven years,
you will come to the conclusion that,
not only American but also North Atlantic Treaty Orgnisation's millitary
has been failed in completing its true mission,
so time is not enough,
resources for this purposes are also not enough
the ground reality is that,
Pakistan already facing worst ecnomic crisis.
In recent days,
what the super power done,
carrying out the secret order,
strike by oredator dron air craft started
on the territory in side its front line ally Pakistan,
what they were doing by committing such acts,
undermining newly elected government,
which has committment to finishe insurgency.
When civillans dies,
in such attacks,
a tremendous reaction creats,
and the common people began to support millitants,
understanding that the millitants were on right side,
so should avoide such attacks.
Pakistan is right,
when raising objection ,
against such attacks,
in its territory,
if great partner want Pakistan remained in allience,
he will have respect and honoure of the people's life,
its territorial integrity.
Sultan Ahmed, fsd.Pakistan.
‘No Predators Please’
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So Gen. Kayani and the president and prime minister are on the same page in terms of tactics and strategy in the fight against extremism?
Absolutely. The political leadership, of which I am a part now, gives very broad direction to the military. But sometimes there are pitfalls when the political leadership tries to run battles and campaigns. That happens in all countries. That is a dangerous game. We should leave it to the professionals. It should only be the broad guidance, directives and objectives that the political leadership should give to the military. If it gets involved in the nitty-gritty [of tactics] then we have a problem. So far things are going all right.
Last month's parliamentary resolution on militancy seems to have something for everyone: something for those who want to get tough with militants, something for those who favor talks. So will it really boost popular support for the military campaign?
I think [support] is building up slowly. It hasn't exploded as we would have liked. But overall, the document is good because it acknowledges in the very first sentence that: "Extremism, militancy and terrorism, in all its forms and manifestations, pose a great danger to the stability and integrity of the nation state." It does lay a lot of emphasis on dialogue with people who want to go in a peaceful direction, who are willing to give up the battle. We will listen to them. But if they shoot at you, you shoot back. Since the parliamentary resolution there has been no letup in the military action. I think the difference between this and past military action is that this one is going to be taken to its logical conclusion. That means you don't stop and start, because you lose out doing that. We have learned that to our great sorrow. The intentions were good back then but the strategy followed was flawed. You don't leave jobs half done. If you do, then the bad guys benefit from it.
Will you talk to militants before they lay down their arms?
These matters are kept hazy by design. I would say that if there is a militant who has a weapon in his hand and is ready to shoot me then there is no dialogue with him. However if there's a militant who says I will sheath my sword and I'm ready to talk, then we will probably talk to him. This fine distinction is necessary because of the traditions of our tribal area where boys get weapons when they start getting a hint of a beard at 14 or 15. To them, a weapon is a mark of pride. Asking them to lay down their arms may mean more to them than you can imagine.
There have been civilian casualties, and towns and villages in Bajaur have been razed in the fighting. How do you rebuild support among the population and win hearts and minds?
When the operation finishes, there has to be a big push to re-establish the lives of the people, to help with their homes, wells, their broken roads and to re-establish the markets. But this movement from military operations to civil rule has to be a seamless connection. This is very important. In the past we have conducted military operations and then there's been a halt and nothing has happened except that the bad guys come back in a better position. This is the first time that after many months, even years, that local lashkars [tribal militias] have come out in support of the military's action. The locals, who were initially intimidated and terrorized by the extremists, will get up and fight when they know they have a chance of winning. There were some elected members [of parliament] who raised a hue and cry, demanding a stop to the [military] operations. But on the ground, people whispered messages in our ear saying, "Don't stop."
Is the Al Qaeda threat in the tribal area as serious as Washington says it is?
It's difficult to criticize an assessment. Washington has a better intelligence system than we have. But there aren't armies of the bad guys getting ready in the tribal area to march. There may be five chaps here and three caps there, sitting in huts, plotting, preparing. It is possible and likely. But there aren't hundreds of cells working in bunkers that look like Pentagon military operations centers. I don't think they are up there preparing and training people to go and hit Washington, New York and Chicago. The tribal area gives them peace and quiet, but it doesn't give them any communications. You can sit in a remote hut and contemplate destroying the whole world, but your connectivity is very poor from there.
© 2008
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