Winter in Moscow: slush and traffic jams.
The centre of Moscow is overloaded by commercial offices and jammed by cars. Additional difficulties in winter are caused by snow, ice-covered ground and slash coming from thawing snow and salt mixtures strewn in the streets to lower the freezing point. It helps to cut down the cost of clearing the roads by snow-removal, which is associated with noise, fuel consumption and air pollution. Street cleaning is complicated by inability of the Traffic Police to maintain order, particularly in regard to the parking, to remove the cars standing around in the city center weeks or months on end, often violating the Traffic Code. An example: massive parking of the commuters' and other cars, day and night, before the apartment house Klimentovski pereulok 6 (near metro Novokuznetskaya) in spite of the "No Entry" signs. Car alarm systems react to a passing tramway and wake the inhabitants up at nights. The best way out of the traffic gridlock in the capital, apart from the bicentric concept proposed for the General Layout of Moscow, should be elevation of the vehicle tax, which is comparatively very low in Russia.
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The Challenge in Europe
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It's not yet clear that everyone in Europe understands the gravity of this change. Speaking before the European Parliament this past fall, a senior European Commission official said that the EU needs to treat Russia "as it is," not as "we would wish it to be." That means recognizing that Russia now ranks 147th in the world in fighting corruption (according to Transparency International) and 141st in freedom of the press (according to Reporters Without Borders), and in 2008 was downgraded by Freedom House from "partially free" to "not free." In this Russia, neither the Parliament nor the president was elected in fair elections.
Despite all the rhetoric of its economic resurgence, this Russia's GDP is still just the size of Belgium's, the Netherlands' and Luxembourg's combined. While its economy may be small, however, this Russia is powerful in other ways, and neither the United States nor Europe is equipped to deal with it alone. Together, how-ever, we can make great progress. Europe can be effective when it chooses. The European Union's exemplary role in stopping the Russian-Georgian war was a major step forward. France's President Nicolas Sarkozy and Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner showed that Europe is capable of decisive leadership.
Still, much more remains to be done. Countries like Ukraine and Georgia, which have embraced democracy—and whose relations with Russia have soured as a result—now need support from both Europe and the United States. So far such support has been less than effective. Brussels and Washington need to do better.
Of course, it will always be necessary to deal with authoritarian regimes. Europe and the United States have done so in the past, working together to address problems like terrorism and drug smuggling. The red line, however, must remain democracy and the rule of law. If we begin to compromise on these, if we accept the creation of what Russia's President Dmitry Medvedev has called a "zone of privileged interests" covering the democratic countries on Russia's borders, we will lose the gains of the past generation, a development no one can afford.
All the more reason, then, for the United States and Europe to restore their good relationship; only together can they remain critical bulwarks of democracy and the rule of law in a threatening world.
Ilves is the president of Estonia.
© 2008
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