I think by all means the U.S. should invade North Korea, not so much out of fear the Chinese, or even Russians, if not the South Koreans, might enter the conflict. It's really in the hope that somebody, anybody, will also enter the fray. You would think the Chinese would enter, just like last time, but perhaps the Russians might send troops. You would hope the South Koreans might be suckered into it. The plan would be to surrender to the first third party who enters the conflict. If no one else enters, you would just have to finish the job. Just promise everyone immunity. Since anyone would be better than the current regime, there's nothing to be concerned about there as well.
Toppling Kim Jong Il
Bargaining with Pyongyang is pointless. Regime change is the only option; here's how to make it work.
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Over the past few months, North Korea's behavior has grown unusually belligerent, even by Pyongyang's prickly standards. The North has cut relations with Seoul, tested a new missile, and, after the U.N. condemned the launch last week, threatened to withdraw forever from further nuclear-disarmament talks and restart its weapons program.
Much of the recent commentary has suggested that these moves are a ploy—an attempt by North Korea to sweeten a coming deal with the United States—and that ultimately, Pyongyang will give up its provocations and open to the outside world, as China has. This is a dangerous fantasy. Kim Jong Il and his circle know that exposing their subjects to foreign influence would be fatal to the regime. So they're likely to continue clamping down and provoking the West. There's only one way for outsiders to stop Kim's aggression: regime change.
North Korea will never follow the Chinese path because its circumstances are profoundly different. The biggest factor is the existence of a rich and free South Korea across the border. Southerners share the same language and culture as the dirt-poor North, but their per capita income is at least 20 times higher—and at the moment, average North Koreans are ignorant of the gap. The regime's self-imposed isolation is so draconian that even owning a tunable radio set is a crime. If North Korea started reforming, it would be flooded with information about South Korea's prosperity. This would make North Koreans less fearful of the authorities and more likely to push for unification with their far richer cousins, just as the East Germans pushed to rejoin the West.
Knowing all this, North Korea's rulers will do whatever they can to maintain control. Given the weakness of its Stalinist economy, this means coming up with new ways to squeeze aid from the outside world. In order to keep the money flowing—with as few conditions as possible—Kim is likely to continue engaging in risky brinkmanship and blackmail. To survive, Pyongyang has to be, or appear to be, dangerous and unpredictable.
But such tactics could easily lead to disaster. The only way to avoid this is to replace the regime.
That's easier said than done: Military options are unthinkable. And sanctions won't work either, since China and Russia are unlikely to cooperate fully. Even if Moscow and Beijing did go along, the only likely result would be a lot of dead farmers. North Korea's great famine of 1996–99 demonstrated that the locals do not rebel when oppressed, even under terrible circumstances. North Koreans are terrified, disorganized and still largely unaware of any alternative to their misery.
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