Perhaps, the situation is such because there is no other situation that can exist in these circumstances. Perhaps, the students should have used different methods to voice their concerns. The students were using anti government means to register their protest. What if China had destabilized, and broken up into smaller states? When I say, that perhaps no other means can exist in these circumstances, I must draw attention to many regions in the world, where the individual is not allowed to voice his concern as he would like. The individual must be the change, and not be seen as a detrimental factor towards the cause of his nation. Were the students not a destabilizing factor in China? What if China had erupted into chaos? How best should the students have been dealt with?
Twenty Years After Tiananmen
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In March, I received a letter from my daughter-in-law in America. It was sent four years ago, and I just received it. Ever since I was released from prison in 1996, my private correspondence has been monitored. I spend most of my time here at home, writing and living quietly. I am not allowed to have a fax machine, or Internet, or even a reliable mobile phone. Visitors are allowed to see me only after registering with security.
Since the crackdown on students in Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989, plenty has changed in China—but not enough. At the time, I headed the Communist Party Central Committee's research office on political reform. Our leader was Deng Xiaoping, whom many remember as a kindhearted man. He was not.
Twenty years later, China is still trying to move on. But nothing can happen until an honest retelling of what happened on June 4 takes place.
The party head was Zhao Ziyang, and he believed we should respond to some of the legitimate issues the students had raised, such as corruption. Deng met with Zhao on May 13, and told him that he agreed with this approach. I felt very happy and started making plans to meet with the students. But on May 17, everything changed. Deng decided to enforce martial law. Zhao was put under house arrest. He died in 2005.
On May 28, I was summoned to a Politburo Standing Committee meeting. But there was no meeting. One member—I won't say who—was there. He suggested I move somewhere safe. I told him I lived in a building reserved for central government ministers. "I have a safer place for you," he said, gripping my hand tightly. Outside, I saw that my car had disappeared, and the police were waiting for me. They drove me into the mountains, finally stopping in front of the giant iron gate of Qincheng Prison.
China's current leaders bear no responsibility for Tiananmen, but only they can share the truth. Otherwise, there will always be tension.
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