According to Politico, Senate Democrats may have figured out how to do the seemingly impossible: craft a deal on the public option that eliminates Joe Lieberman and Ben Nelson's main reason to vote against health-care reform while keeping their liberal wing happy.
Over at The Washington Post, columnist E. J. Dionne notices something almost no one else has: that voters in Maine and Washington state resoundingly rejected ballot initiatives meant to limit taxes and spending.
Unlike the New York City mayoral, or the Virginia governor's race, there is a really bad sign for Democrats out of the East Coast. Via The New York Times, Republicans made inroads in New York's suburbs. "In Westchester County, where Democrats have a solid advantage in voter registration, a Republican challenger, Rob Astorino, upset the incumbent Democratic County Executive, Andrew Spano, who was seeking his fourth term ...
I have to partially disagree with my esteemed colleague Howard Fineman. Howard writes that New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg's surprisingly narrow re-election victory shows that Americans "are still mad at the Big Boys, whether they are in Washington or on Wall Street." He concludes that "this is a warning to the president: you better shake things up—give us real reform—or your presidency may go from coronation to condemnation." Howard is certainly right that there is a general...
OK. Granted, the GQ list of the 50 most powerful people D.C. is no more definitive, or less arbitrary, than any other such list. And, granted, President Obama is not the boss of many of the people on the list. But it's rather striking to see that the list is about as white and male as ever.
I've long had a soft spot for Rep. Charlie Rangel. As a native New Yorker, I enjoy his slightly fey, gravelly-voiced regional accent. His pompadour is hilarious, and his impish smile, cheerful partisanship, and blunt-spoken political views have made him an avuncular character to political junkies, sort of an affable Barney Frank.
Some might say it's been a long time coming—at least since Richard Nixon's appeals to the "Silent Majority" and Spiro Agnew's vilification of the media—but the crisis of conservative intellectualism is coming to a head at the moment.
Big news up here in New York this weekend was that President Obama has taken the unusual measure of intervening in a statewide Democratic primary. New York Governor David Paterson, the first African-American governor in New York's history, faces terribly low approval ratings and the White House privately asked him to drop out of his election bid in 2010.
David Brooks may be a talented writer, an affable fellow, and a reasonable-minded pundit─but he sure is lazy! If you've gotten used to seeing a columnist wander down to a protest─the recent conservative protesters on Capitol Hill, for example─interview a handful of people ("Are you guys racist?
Ever since then-candidate Barack Obama inspired young people to join his Facebook group, visit his Web site, and caucus in Iowa in unprecedented numbers, progressive activists have been wondering if young people can be mobilized permanently, not just during the campaign season.
When I applied under Early Decision to the University of Pennsylvania four years ago, I was motivated by two powerful emotions: ambition and fear. The ambition was to fulfill my lifelong expectation of attending an Ivy League school; the fear was that without the advantage offered by Early Decision, I wouldn't make the cut.