The U.S. foreign policy establishment is effectively treating China as it treated the Soviet Union for over four decades: as an overriding, existential danger to American power that seeks to rewrite the rules as they've existed since World War II.
As it stands right now, the U.S. foreign policy of today is looking eerily familiar to the U.S. foreign policy of yesterday.
Secretary Antony Blinken appears to recognize that Washington can frequently be its own worst enemy.
Nobody in the world who values human rights and the rule of law likes what is going on in the streets of Myanmar's capital city right now.
The Kingdom is used to getting the benefit of the doubt in Washington. Not anymore.
If Congress wants to be treated as an equal, it needs to do the job the Founders insisted on in the U.S. Constitution.
From Yemen to China and Taiwan, the departing administration is doing all it can to hamstring its successor's diplomats.
Don't waste precious time pushing maximalist demands. Diplomacy is the art of the possible.
Most of us will be breathing a sign of relief when 2020 is finally over. But for Biden, it'll only be the beginning of one of the toughest years that ever faced an incoming President.
The best gift Washington can give to the American people this holiday season is a large dose of common sense in U.S. foreign and national security policy.
Iran returns to the nuclear obligations it gradually violated, while the U.S. provides the economic sanctions relief Tehran is afforded to under the deal. This is the fastest way to deescalate the situation.
The economic pressure strategy pursued by the Obama-Biden administration failed to stop nuclearization, and there's no evidence it'll do better the second time around. It's time for a fresh approach.
America doesn't need Saudi Arabia half as much as it used to, and can afford to get much tougher on its ally—and especially on Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, the bull in the china shop of the Middle East.
Delaying a final U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan will only increase the cost to Americans in uniform.
Many bad policies of the last four years are long past due for the trash bin. But others, such as getting Europe to shoulder more of it defense burden, have merit.
Caving to those who believe a permanent U.S. military presence is intrinsically connected to regional stability would tie thousands of U.S. soldiers to an indefinite deployment in the Middle East.
No amount of U.S. sanctions or diplomatic isolation is likely to change how the Kremlin deals with internal challenges to its authority. And the fact is, the U.S. and Russia have business to do.
No matter what the president knew, U.S. policy in Afghanistan is at fault for providing Washington's adversaries an opportunity to bleed American forces.
Anyone who was expecting some miraculous grand bargain between the top U.S. and Chinese diplomat was asking for too much. At this point, managing disputes through dialogue is the best both countries can do.
The Cold War is over. And although Moscow has shown itself to be a prolific agitator, an outdated U.S. military posture in Europe isn't helping.
Politicians want to sound tough, but taking action against another country's economy can produce precisely the opposite of what they're hoping to accomplish.
On legal merits, there is a solid case against Maduro and his associates. But the course of action pursued by the DOJ is unwise.
There is a curious lack of recognition in Washington of just how effective the U.S. intelligence and military apparatus has become since 9/11.
The American people don't want a partial withdrawal. They want a final end to a chapter that should have been closed long ago.
Instead of overreact to every Iranian action, the U.S. needs to keep the scale of the Iranian threat in perspective—and make a pragmatic offer to Tehran.