At demos and online, Trump's extreme supporters come armed and ready for violence.
The White House blocks The New York Times, CNN and Politico but lets in Breitbart.
The more Trumpism fails, the more scapegoats will be blamed.
Clinton could lose the best chance in a generation to turn the Republican Party into pariahs.
No smoke-filled chaos, no fisticuffs over obscure procedural fights, no riots: We'll miss the high drama at the GOP Convention in Cleveland.
The conservatism of avenging angels protecting white innocence in a "liberal" metropolis gone mad: this is how we can understand the rise of Trump.
Why did lower-working-class Americans know Trump? Because he had been a regular visitor to their living rooms, while the D.C. elite had ignored them.
Asked why he was wearing a pistol, Reagan replied, "In case you guys can't do the job, I can help out."
"Being the also-ran idiot younger brother, tutored in lobbing spitballs by a childhood of resentful rage, is good training for Fox."
There is an utter failure to inform voters about presidential nomination contests.
Conservatives are stuck not saying what they believe for fear of people understanding their bitter prejudices.
Our pundits worry that a populist rage is loose in the land—pitchforks everywhere! My first reaction upon hearing that was to dismiss the word "populist" as a distraction, an epithet meant to recall episodes in which mass rage made sound policy deliberation impossible.
We've been on the verge of what seemed like permanent ideological transformation before. For liberals, the most dramatic such moment came with Lyndon Johnson's landslide victory in 1964. "These are the most hopeful times since Christ was born in Bethlehem," Johnson declared while lighting the White House Christmas tree that year.