Back From The Brink

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By Newsweek Editors

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We had had a good morning. Then in the early afternoon came Gorbachev's ploy, which was to condition everything on an agreement that we limit research on strategic defenses to what he called "the laboratory." Everyone could see instantly that that was saying, "Kill it." The sessions went on longer and longer, and we developed some stuff that was quite sweeping [basically, the ultimate elimination of offensive nuclear ballistic missiles]. When Gorbachev objected to development of a strategic defense, Reagan would say, "Well, by the time we deploy them, our agreement to end ballistic missiles will have resulted in there not being any ballistic missiles. So there's nothing to defend against, and I don't see why you have any problems." Gorbachev would say, "Well, then why do you need them?" Reagan would say, "Because there are rogue states out there, and who knows who's going to develop a ballistic missile. And we have to have an insurance policy." This wasn't getting anywhere. That's when Reagan wrote this little note. I was sitting beside him, and he passed it over to me. The note said, "George, am I right?" And I whispered back, "Absolutely. Yes." And so the thing ended in a strained way.

But the fact was that all of these major things had been set out on the table. Eventually the things that were agreed to in Reykjavik became embedded in the system ... Gorbachev came to Stanford after he had left office and I had left office. He and Raisa came to my house on the campus. We were sitting around with the interpreter, and I said, "When you entered office and when I entered office, the cold war was about as cold as it could get, and by the time we left it was all over. What do you think was the turning point?" He didn't hesitate a second. He said, "Reykjavik." And I said, "Why?" "Because," Gorbachev said, "for the first time the two leaders talked directly over an extended period in a real conversation about key issues."

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