Founding Fathers

We can't abandon political processes.

Rights contain within themselves proper moral limitations.

Four centuries ago, 102 men, women and children set sail on the Mayflower, a Virginia Company merchant ship from England bound for the New World.

We are all unique individuals, but we are equally American. To highlight our differences, and ignore this key similarity, is to flout our national creed.

According to a court ruling, the letter was stolen between 1938 and 1945 by a "kleptomaniacal cataloguer" at the archives at the Commonwealth Museum

On August 28, 1963, Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. delivered his iconic "I Have a Dream" speech on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C.

What both sides should demand instead is expansion, not restriction, of the history we teach—with a deeper, richer perspective on our republic's place in the world.

This Fourth of July provided some unexpected perspective on the ferocious fights currently raging over the teaching of American history and values.

On Independence Day we reflect on a remarkable moment 245 years ago, when 56 men gathered in Philadelphia to sign the Declaration of Independence.

All of us have the right to have the faith of our choosing—or to have no faith at all—and still be a great American.

It is right to acknowledge the sins of our past, but wrong to distill our country to flaws shared by all humanity.

American history has great flaws, and the brutal inhumanity of slavery is its worst, but the American story is driven by its principles—not its imperfections.

Earlier this month, I filed suit against the U.S. Treasury to preserve Missouri's ability to cut taxes, ensuring that the federal government is kept in check—and illustrating the importance of the separation of powers.

As James Madison observed in Federalist no. 46, tyrannical governments invariably "are afraid to trust the people with arms."

Many critics highlighted things the Founding Fathers wouldn't approve or that are still accepted today.

"Because undermining the monarchy has never been a part of American democracy, apparently," remarked one Heritage Foundation critic.

We need to remind ourselves of America's higher purpose.

Now is not the time to lock any doors to either perception or understanding; we should certainly not be discounting ancient sources of knowledge out of hand.

While this risk-averse approach has come to typify the way we first approached COVID, it is the spirit of America that will ultimately pull us out of it.

When it comes to the most important things in life, you should toss civility aside and fight for what's right with everything you have.

Amidst this year's anxiety, uncertainty and pain, it is easy to forget that this is far from the first time Americans have found themselves in these circumstances.

Schiff said that while he supports "doing away with" the Electoral College, "discrete changes" to the Constitution that attack Citizens United are much more likely to happen.

If you like liberty, you should take a careful look at the intentional design of our American system of government and our nation's history of providing more freedom, more opportunity and more prosperity than any other nation.

Scalia, when not firing off some of the most interesting legal opinions in Supreme Court history, loved to travel the country teaching students—law school, college and high school students alike—about our nation's Founding document.

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo is right to defend the rich tradition of natural human rights.

Author Joel L. Daniels debates Ryan P. Williams, president of the Claremont Institute.

America's Founding principles are just and worth defending.

We are all the intellectual inheritors of the Declaration of Independence.

We must fall in love with America all over again, and Independence Day is the best time to start.

"In neither of these cases is there any mention of breaking a specific criminal statute," Chris Wallace explained.