Marc Schulman

No doubt, a sizable ideological gap between the different parties exists, but what unites them is far more significant than what divides them.

You might think that America's politicians would be supportive to Israelis, given the situation. Some have been. But when it comes to the progressive left, the messaging has been astonishing.

Israel is not beyond critique. I constructively criticize many of our policies. But over the top, one-dimensional accusations lacking nuance like those that fill the HRW report do not undermine Israel; they undermine legitimate criticism of Israeli policies.

To many, Netanyahu has become a god-like figure. To most, however, based on the election result, he is a politician who may have done notable good, but whose expiration point has passed.

Israel's high-tech sector did extraordinarily well while Covid raged, but most of the rest of the economy only just survived.

Although Israel is in the midst of an election campaign, Netanyahu's challengers are toeing his line on the nuclear deal.

Trump remains extremely popular, and both frontrunners in Israel's own election are expected to make much of his policies toward the Jewish state.

I just had my second COVID vaccine, in a country that already outpaced all others in its dash to vaccinate its entire population by spring. This is being made possible by a unique combination of decisions and circumstances.

Once more, the only real issue on the ballot will be, should Netanyahu continue as prime minister?

Both in Israel and in America, the impact of the Trump era on the news landscape runs deep.

Most Jews appreciate Trump's support for Israel. But domestic concerns—especially the rise in anti-Semitism and racism in America—will be much more pivotal for their decision in November.

Israel moved early and aggressively against the virus, neatly flattening the curve—but now a mix of incompetence and petty politics have brought the pandemic roaring back.

Beleaguered as they are, the two leaders' mastery of social media is giving them a competitive edge over domestic rivals.

The agreement on a process of normalization, while not a full peace accord yet, deserves credit.

Netanyahu failed to address the economic distress caused by the quick and efficient lockdown that succesfully suppressed the first wave of the pandemic. Now Israel is facing not a second wave, but a tsunami.

While tech leaders in Israel recognize the challenges of the hour, they are able to articulate the opportunities. Some told me trends expected to take five to ten years to mature ave boomed in three months.

The promise to annex parts of the West Bank might have helped Netanyahu hold on to power—but between opposition from his own coalition partners and the prospect of Trump losing in November, keeping it is a different matter.

The opposition leaders who came within a seat or two of ousting Netanyahu broke with the entire premise of their campaign—and gave Bibi yet another term in office.

A combination of a universal healthcare system, an early shutdown and a sense of solidarity allowed Israel to endure the first wave of the pandemic with less than 250 deaths. Now comes the reopening, with all its risks.

On paper, Gantz got a great deal for his meager election showing—but he traded away any good will and credibility he had with his voters in the process.

As the country goes on lockdown, two branches of government—parliament and judiciary—risk being suspended indefinitely, as Netanyahu casts himself as the only man fit to lead the nation through the crisis.

Israel's longest-serving prime minister seems to fall short of keeping his seat—by a whisker.

A 24-hour barrage of rockets from Gaza is the last thing the beleaguered prime ministers needs.

Electric scooters are helping people move about a massively congested cities with underdeveloped public transport—but poor regulation means accidents and injuries are rife.

The longtime Israeli prime minister is at risk of losing both his chair and his party leadership—while his rival Benny Gantz is continuing to grow on the electorate.

Charged with bribery, Israel's PM intends to go down fighting—even if this means what little trust Israelis have in the rule of law along the way.

Israel continues to be run by a transitional government with limited powers, and a parliament that cannot enact laws. Some have begun to say, only half-jokingly, that it might be better this way

If Trump could give up on the Kurds abruptly, without warning, how can we be sure he won't do the same to us?

Neither Netanyahu nor his challengers are able to form a government, for the second time in a row—and Netanyahu himself may soon be up on corruption charges. There's no playbook for this.

Netanyahu lost in April, forced a rerun and lost even worse. Now the only question is will he step away into retirement, or toward trial and potentially prison.